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The Impact of Open Society Foundation’s Funding Withdrawal on the Sex Worker Rights Movement, and Recommendations for a Path Forward

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The Impact of Open Society Foundation’s Funding Withdrawal on the Sex Worker Rights Movement, and Recommendations for a Path Forward

Briefing for Funders and Activists

November 8, 2023

1 pm - 2 pm (UTC)

8 am (Mexico City) / 9 am (New York) / 2 pm (Edinburgh) / 3 pm (Amsterdam) / 4 pm (Nairobi) / 6:30 pm (Delhi) / 8 pm (Bangkok)

English/Spanish/French/Russian/Arabic/Chinese interpretation is available if requested.

Register for this online briefing here.

Globally, we are experiencing a determined, well-funded pattern of rollbacks to bodily autonomy and human rights in the form of reproductive restrictions and increasing hostility towards LGBTQIA+ people and migrants. Central to defending these basic freedoms are sex workers, who have organized against coercive control, state violence, discrimination, surveillance, censorship, and criminalization for decades. As a deeply intersectional community, sex workers are more likely to face multiple forms of economic, political, and social oppression. Yet these movements are steadfast in their defense of rights and bodily autonomy around the globe, as Global Network of Sex Work Projects (NSWP) has documented. As we witness the rise of a religious authoritarian right worldwide, the need to incorporate sex worker advocates into our movements for liberation has never been so apparent. 

In spite of their key role, year after year sex worker movements receive less than 1% of all global human rights funding from foundations. And that figure is set to plummet even further. 

The Open Society Foundations (OSF) have been at the forefront of supporting marginalized communities, and until recently were the largest donor to sex worker rights organizations globally. In the early 2020s, OSF restructured, ending its global giving to sex worker movements. In response, the Sex Work Donor Collaborative worked with OSF and Strength in Numbers Consulting Group to document the impact of OSF’s withdrawal on sex worker movements in the context of the funding landscape. Researchers interviewed sex worker activists and reviewed grants data, finding that OSF had contributed $9 million over the last 5 years to these movements, and also played a key role as a movement builder, trusted confidant, and advisor. 

In this briefing, we will hear from researchers, funder allies, and the global sex worker rights movement about how this impact has been felt on the ground in impacted organizations and communities. We will learn how sex worker rights movements, and other movements affected by such funding decisions, can creatively respond, and how allied funders can collaborate to take action. 

Moderator: Sienna Baskin, Sex Work Donor Collaborative

Speakers:

The Sex Work Donor Collaborative (SWDC) is a network of funders that have come together to increase the amount and quality of funding to support sex workers’ rights. This is achieved through strategic coordination of grant-making, research, and advocacy in partnership with sex worker-led organizations and networks. 

Register for this online briefing here.

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تأثير سحب تمويل مؤسسة المجتمع المفتوح على حركة حقوق العاملين في مجال الجنس، وتوصيات للمضي قدمًا

إحاطة للممولين والناشطين

8 نوفمبر 2023

1 ظهرًا - 2 ظهرًا (التوقيت العالمي المنسق)

8 صباحًا (مكسيكو سيتي) / 9 صباحًا (نيويورك) / 2 مساءً (إدنبرة) / 3 مساءً (أمستردام) / 4 مساءً (نيروبي) / 6:30 مساءً (دلهي) / 8 مساءً (بانكوك)

تتوفر ترجمة فورية باللغة الإنجليزية/الإسبانية/الفرنسية/الروسية/العربية/الصينية عند الطلب.

سجل للحصول على هذه الإحاطة عبر الإنترنت هنا.

على الصعيد العالمي، نشهد نمطًا حازمًا وممولًا جيدًا من التراجع عن الاستقلال الجسدي وحقوق الإنسان في شكل قيود إنجابية وزيادة العداء تجاه الأشخاص والمهاجرين من مجتمع LGBTQIA+. ومن أهم المدافعين عن هذه الحريات الأساسية العاملون في مجال الجنس، الذين نظموا أنفسهم ضد السيطرة القسرية، وعنف الدولة، والتمييز، والمراقبة، والرقابة، والتجريم لعقود من الزمن. كمجتمع متعدد الجوانب، من المرجح أن يواجه العاملون في مجال الجنس أشكالًا متعددة من القمع الاقتصادي والسياسي والاجتماعي. ومع ذلك، فإن هذه الحركات ثابتة في دفاعها عن الحقوق والاستقلال الجسدي في جميع أنحاء العالم، كما وثقت الشبكة العالمية لمشاريع العمل الجنسي (NSWP) . وبينما نشهد صعود اليمين الديني الاستبدادي في جميع أنحاء العالم، فإن الحاجة إلى دمج المدافعين عن العاملين في مجال الجنس في حركات التحرر لدينا لم تكن أكثر وضوحًا من أي وقت مضى.

على الرغم من دورها الرئيسي، تتلقى حركات العاملين في مجال الجنس سنة بعد سنة أقل من 1% من إجمالي التمويل العالمي لحقوق الإنسان من المؤسسات. ومن المتوقع أن ينخفض هذا الرقم أكثر. 


كانت مؤسسات المجتمع المفتوح (OSF) في طليعة الداعمين للمجتمعات المهمشة، وكانت كذلك حتى وقت قريب أكبر جهة مانحة لمنظمات حقوق العاملين في مجال الجنس على مستوى العالم. في أوائل عام 2020، أعيدت هيكلة منظمة OSF، منهية عطائها العالمي لحركات العاملين في مجال الجنس. ردًا على ذلك، عملت تعاونية المانحين في مجال العمل الجنسي مع OSF والمجموعة الاستشارية للقوة في الأرقام لتوثيق تأثير انسحاب OSF على حركات العاملين في مجال الجنس في سياق مشهد التمويل. أجرى الباحثون مقابلات مع نشطاء العاملين في مجال الجنس وقاموا بمراجعة بيانات المنح، ووجدوا أن مؤسسة OSF قد ساهمت بمبلغ 9 ملايين دولار على مدى السنوات الخمس الماضية لهذه الحركات، ولعبت أيضًا دورًا رئيسيًا باعتبارها منشئ الحركة، ومقربًا ومستشارًا موثوقًا به .

في هذا الموجز، سنستمع إلى الباحثين وحلفاء الممولين والحركة العالمية لحقوق العاملين في مجال الجنس حول كيفية الشعور بهذا التأثير على أرض الواقع في المنظمات والمجتمعات المتضررة. سوف نتعلم كيف يمكن لحركات حقوق العاملين في مجال الجنس، والحركات الأخرى المتأثرة بقرارات التمويل هذه، أن تستجيب بشكل خلاق، وكيف يمكن للممولين المتحالفين أن يتعاونوا لاتخاذ الإجراءات اللازمة.

المنسق: سيينا باسكن، تعاونية المانحين للعمل في مجال الجنس .

مكبرات الصوت:

إن تعاونية المانحين للعمل في مجال الجنس (SWDC) هي شبكة من الممولين الذين اجتمعوا معًا لزيادة حجم ونوعية التمويل لدعم حقوق العاملين في مجال الجنس. ويتم تحقيق ذلك من خلال التنسيق الاستراتيجي لتقديم المنح والبحث والدعوة بالشراكة مع المنظمات والشبكات التي يقودها العاملون في مجال الجنس.

سجل للحصول على هذه الإحاطة عبر الإنترنت هنا.


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开放社会基金会撤资对性工作者权利运动的影响以及前进之路的建议

资助者和活动家简报会

2023 年 11 月 8 日

下午 1 时至 2 时（世界协调时）

上午 8 时（墨西哥城）/上午 9 时（纽约）/下午 2 时（爱丁堡）/下午 3 时（阿姆斯特丹）/下午 4 时（内罗毕）/下午 6 时 30 分（德里）/下午 8 时（曼谷）

如有要求，可提供英语/西班牙语/法语/俄语/阿拉伯语/中文口译服务。

在此注册参加此次在线简报会。

在全球范围内，我们正经历着一种意志坚定、资金充足的身体自主和人权倒退模式，其表现形式为生殖限制以及对女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、变性者和跨性别者以及移民日益增长的敌意。性工作者是捍卫这些基本自由的核心力量，数十年来，他们组织起来反对强制控制、国家暴力、歧视、监视、审查和定罪。作为一个具有深刻交叉性的群体，性工作者更有可能面临多种形式的经济、政治和社会压迫。然而，正如性工作项目全球网络（NSWP）所记录的那样，这些运动在全球范围内坚定不移地捍卫着权利和身体自主权。当我们目睹宗教专制权利在全球范围内崛起时，将性工作者倡导者纳入我们的解放运动的必要性从未如此明显。 

尽管性工作者运动发挥着关键作用，但年复一年，他们从基金会那里获得的资金还不到全球人权资助总额的 1%。而这一数字还将进一步骤降。 

开放社会基金会（OSF）一直站在支持边缘化社区的最前沿，直到最近还是全球性工作者权利组织的最大捐助方。2020 年代初，开放社会基金会进行了重组，终止了对性工作者运动的全球捐赠。为此，性工作捐赠者协作组织与 OSF 和 "数字力量 "咨询集团合作，记录了 OSF 退出对性工作者运动的影响，并将其与资助情况相结合。研究人员采访了性工作者活动家，审查了资助数据，发现在过去 5 年中，OSF 为这些运动捐助了 900 万美元，并作为运动建设者、可信赖的知己和顾问发挥了关键作用。 

在本简报中，我们将听取研究人员、资助者盟友和全球性工作者权利运动的意见，了解受影响的组织和社区是如何实地感受到这种影响的。我们将了解性工作者权利运动和其他受此类资助决定影响的运动如何创造性地应对，以及联合资助方如何合作采取行动。 

主持人Sienna Baskin，性工作捐赠者合作组织。

发言者

性工作捐助方协作组织（SWDC）是一个由资助方组成的网络，旨在提高支持性工作者权利的资金数量和质量。通过与性工作者领导的组织和网络合作，对资助、研究和宣传进行战略协调，从而实现这一目标。 

在此注册参加此次在线简报会。


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Влияние прекращения финансирования Фондом "Открытое общество" на движение за права секс-работников и рекомендации по дальнейшим действиям



Брифинг для спонсоров и активистов

8 ноября 2023 г.

13:00 - 14:00 (UTC)

8 утра (Мехико) / 9 утра (Нью-Йорк) / 14:00 (Эдинбург) / 15:00 (Амстердам) / 16:00 (Найроби) / 18:30 (Дели) / 20:00 (Бангкок)

По запросу возможен перевод с английского/испанского/французского/русского/арабского/китайского языков.

Зарегистрироваться для участия в онлайн-брифинге можно здесь.

Во всем мире мы наблюдаем целенаправленный и хорошо финансируемый процесс ущемления телесной автономии и прав человека в виде ограничений репродуктивной функции и растущей враждебности по отношению к ЛГБТКВ+ и мигрантам. Центральную роль в защите этих основных свобод играют секс-работники, которые на протяжении десятилетий организуют борьбу против принудительного контроля, государственного насилия, дискриминации, слежки, цензуры и криминализации. Будучи сообществом с глубокой взаимозависимостью, секс-работники чаще всего сталкиваются с многочисленными формами экономического, политического и социального угнетения. Тем не менее, эти движения упорно отстаивают свои права и телесную автономию по всему миру, о чем свидетельствует Глобальная сеть проектов секс-работы (NSWP). Сейчас, когда мы наблюдаем рост религиозных авторитарных правых во всем мире, необходимость включения защитников прав секс-работников в наши движения за освобождение еще никогда не была столь очевидной. 

Несмотря на свою ключевую роль, движения секс-работников из года в год получают от фондов менее 1% от общего объема финансирования в области прав человека. И эта цифра будет снижаться и дальше. 

Фонды "Открытое общество" (OSF) занимают ведущие позиции в поддержке маргинальных сообществ и до недавнего времени являлись крупнейшими донорами организаций, защищающих права секс-работников во всем мире. В начале 2020-х годов OSF провел реструктуризацию, прекратив глобальную поддержку движений секс-работников. В ответ на это Коллаборация доноров секс-работы совместно с OSF и консалтинговой группой Strength in Numbers провела исследование влияния ухода OSF на движения секс-работников в контексте ситуации с финансированием. Исследователи опросили активистов секс-работников и проанализировали данные о грантах, в результате чего выяснилось, что за последние 5 лет OSF предоставил этим движениям 9 млн. долларов, а также сыграл ключевую роль в качестве создателя движений, доверенного лица и консультанта. 

На этом брифинге мы узнаем от исследователей, союзников-финансистов и представителей глобального движения за права секс-работников о том, как это влияние ощущается на местах в организациях и сообществах, подвергшихся воздействию. Мы узнаем, как движения за права секс-работников и другие движения, пострадавшие от таких решений о финансировании, могут творчески реагировать на них, и как союзники-финансисты могут сотрудничать для принятия мер. 

Модератор: Сиенна Баскин, Коллаборация доноров секс-работы.

Выступающие:

Сотрудничество доноров секс-работы (SWDC) - это сеть финансирующих организаций, объединившихся для увеличения объема и повышения качества финансирования в поддержку прав секс-работников. Это достигается путем стратегической координации грантов, исследований и адвокации в партнерстве с организациями и сетями, возглавляемыми секс-работниками. 

Зарегистрироваться для участия в онлайн-брифинге можно здесь.


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L'impact du retrait du financement de l'Open Society Foundation sur le mouvement de défense des droits des travailleurs du sexe et les recommandations pour aller de l'avant

Briefing pour les bailleurs de fonds et les activistes

8 novembre 2023

13 h - 14 h (UTC)

8 h (Mexico) / 9 h (New York) / 14 h (Édimbourg) / 15 h (Amsterdam) / 16 h (Nairobi) / 18 h 30 (Delhi) / 20 h (Bangkok)

Une interprétation en anglais/espagnol/français/russe/arabe/chinois est disponible sur demande.

Inscrivez-vous à cette réunion d'information en ligne ici.

À l'échelle mondiale, nous assistons à un mouvement déterminé et bien financé de recul de l'autonomie corporelle et des droits de l'homme, sous la forme de restrictions en matière de procréation et d'une hostilité croissante à l'égard des personnes LGBTQIA+ et des migrants. Les travailleurs du sexe sont au cœur de la défense de ces libertés fondamentales. Depuis des décennies, ils s'organisent contre le contrôle coercitif, la violence d'État, la discrimination, la surveillance, la censure et la criminalisation. En tant que communauté profondément intersectionnelle, les travailleurs du sexe sont plus susceptibles d'être confrontés à de multiples formes d'oppression économique, politique et sociale. Pourtant, ces mouvements sont inébranlables dans leur défense des droits et de l'autonomie corporelle dans le monde entier, comme l'a montré le Global Network of Sex Work Projects (NSWP). Alors que nous assistons à la montée d'une droite religieuse autoritaire dans le monde entier, la nécessité d'intégrer les défenseurs des travailleurs du sexe dans nos mouvements de libération n'a jamais été aussi évidente. 

En dépit de leur rôle clé, les mouvements de travailleurs du sexe reçoivent, année après année, moins de 1 % de l'ensemble du financement mondial des droits de l'homme par les fondations. Et ce chiffre devrait encore diminuer. 

Les Open Society Foundations (OSF) sont à l'avant-garde du soutien aux communautés marginalisées et, jusqu'à récemment, elles étaient le principal bailleur de fonds des organisations de défense des droits des travailleurs du sexe dans le monde. Au début des années 2020, l'OSF s'est restructurée, mettant fin à ses dons aux mouvements de travailleurs du sexe. En réponse, le Sex Work Donor Collaborative a travaillé avec OSF et Strength in Numbers Consulting Group pour documenter l'impact du retrait d'OSF sur les mouvements de travailleurs du sexe dans le contexte du paysage financier. Les chercheurs ont interrogé des militants des travailleurs du sexe et examiné les données relatives aux subventions. Ils ont constaté qu'OSF avait contribué à hauteur de 9 millions de dollars à ces mouvements au cours des cinq dernières années et qu'elle avait également joué un rôle clé en tant que bâtisseur de mouvements, confident et conseiller de confiance.

Dans cette réunion, nous entendrons des chercheurs, des bailleurs de fonds alliés et le mouvement mondial de défense des droits des travailleurs du sexe nous expliquer comment cet impact s'est fait sentir sur le terrain dans les organisations et les communautés touchées. Nous apprendrons comment les mouvements de défense des droits des travailleurs du sexe, et d'autres mouvements affectés par de telles décisions de financement, peuvent réagir de manière créative, et comment les bailleurs de fonds alliés peuvent collaborer pour agir. 

Modérateur : Sienna Baskin, Sex Work Donor Collaborative.

Intervenants :

Le Sex Work Donor Collaborative (SWDC) est un réseau de bailleurs de fonds qui se sont réunis pour augmenter le montant et la qualité des financements destinés à soutenir les droits des travailleurs du sexe. Cet objectif est atteint grâce à une coordination stratégique de l'octroi de subventions, de la recherche et du plaidoyer en partenariat avec des organisations et des réseaux dirigés par des travailleurs du sexe. 

Inscrivez-vous à cette réunion d'information en ligne ici.


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Repercusiones de la retirada de fondos de la Open Society Foundation en el movimiento por los derechos de las trabajadoras del sexo y recomendaciones para el futuro



Sesión informativa para financiadores y activistas

8 de noviembre de 2023

13.00 h - 14.00 h (UTC)

8.00 h (Ciudad de México) / 9.00 h (Nueva York) / 14.00 h (Edimburgo) / 15.00 h (Ámsterdam) / 16.00 h (Nairobi) / 18.30 h (Delhi) / 20.00 h (Bangkok)

Servicio de interpretación inglés/español/francés/ruso/árabe/chino disponible si se solicita.

Inscríbase en esta sesión informativa en línea aquí.

En todo el mundo estamos experimentando un patrón determinado y bien financiado de retrocesos en la autonomía corporal y los derechos humanos en forma de restricciones reproductivas y una creciente hostilidad hacia las personas LGBTQIA+ y los migrantes. Para defender estas libertades básicas son fundamentales los profesionales del sexo, que llevan décadas organizándose contra el control coercitivo, la violencia estatal, la discriminación, la vigilancia, la censura y la criminalización. Como comunidad profundamente interseccional, los profesionales del sexo tienen más probabilidades de enfrentarse a múltiples formas de opresión económica, política y social. Sin embargo, estos movimientos se mantienen firmes en su defensa de los derechos y la autonomía corporal en todo el mundo, como ha documentado la Red Global de Proyectos de Trabajo Sexual (NSWP, por sus siglas en inglés). Mientras asistimos al auge de una derecha religiosa autoritaria en todo el mundo, nunca ha sido tan evidente la necesidad de incorporar a los defensores de los trabajadores sexuales a nuestros movimientos por la liberación.

A pesar de su papel clave, año tras año los movimientos de trabajadores del sexo reciben menos del 1% de toda la financiación mundial para derechos humanos procedente de fundaciones. Y esa cifra está a punto de desplomarse aún más. 

La Open Society Foundations (OSF) ha estado a la vanguardia del apoyo a las comunidades marginadas y, hasta hace poco, era el mayor donante a organizaciones de defensa de los derechos de los profesionales del sexo en todo el mundo. A principios de la década de 2020, OSF se reestructuró y puso fin a sus donaciones globales a los movimientos de trabajadores sexuales. En respuesta, Sex Work Donor Collaborative trabajó con OSF y Strength in Numbers Consulting Group para documentar el impacto de la retirada de OSF en los movimientos de trabajadores sexuales en el contexto del panorama de la financiación. Los investigadores entrevistaron a trabajadores sexuales activistas y revisaron los datos de las subvenciones, descubriendo que OSF había contribuido con 9 millones de dólares en los últimos 5 años a estos movimientos, y también había desempeñado un papel clave como constructor de movimientos, confidente de confianza y asesor.

En esta sesión informativa, investigadores, donantes aliados y el movimiento mundial por los derechos de los profesionales del sexo nos explicarán cómo se ha dejado sentir este impacto sobre el terreno en las organizaciones y comunidades afectadas. Aprenderemos cómo los movimientos por los derechos de los profesionales del sexo y otros movimientos afectados por estas decisiones de financiación pueden responder de forma creativa y cómo los donantes aliados pueden colaborar para tomar medidas. 

Moderadora: Sienna Baskin, Sex Work Donor Collaborative.

Oradores:

Sex Work Donor Collaborative (SWDC) es una red de donantes que se han unido para aumentar la cantidad y la calidad de la financiación destinada a apoyar los derechos de los profesionales del sexo. Esto se consigue mediante la coordinación estratégica de la concesión de subvenciones, la investigación y la promoción en colaboración con organizaciones y redes dirigidas por profesionales del sexo. 

Inscríbase en esta sesión informativa en línea aquí.

SWDC
SWDC and Count Me In! Submission on Decriminalization in South Africa

On January 31, 2023, the Sex Work Donor Collaborative and Count Me In! Consortium, in response to a request from sex worker-led organizations in South Africa, submitted the following letter. We are honored to support sex workers in their quest for decriminalization.

January 31, 2023

To: The Director-General: Justice and Constitutional Development

For the attention of: Adv. Tsietsi Sebelemetja 

e-mail address: Bills3@justice.gov.za

We understand that in South Africa, the Department of Justice has recently published a draft bill entitled the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Bill, 2022 that intends to repeal all the legislation that currently criminalises the sex work industry in South Africa. We write to fully endorse and support this Bill as it stands. 

The Sex Work Donor Collaborative is a collective of 25 philanthropic institutions and individuals in philanthropy, from nearly every region of the world. We envision a world in which sex workers’ rights movements are fully resourced, in which sex workers have a strong voice in the decisions that impact their lives, and in which sex workers’ rights and other movements are in solidarity to create a more just world. To this end we work to increase the amount and quality of funding and non-financial support for sex worker rights and sex worker organizing, increase the effectiveness and efficiency of funding through peer sharing, research and strategic coordination of grant-making, and provide a platform where sex workers and donors can share information and learning and where sex workers can engage donors as allies in their political advocacy efforts.

The Count Me In! (CMI!) consortium consists of member organizations Mama Cash (MC), the Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID), CREA, Just Associates (JASS), and the Sister Funds Urgent Action Fund (UAF) and Urgent Action Fund Africa (UAF-Africa) with the sex worker-led Red Umbrella Fund (RUF) and the Dutch gender platform WO=MEN as its strategic partners. CMI! supports the voices and activism of women, girls, and trans and gender non-binary people who are often most marginalized in their communities. Among the most silenced voices are those of sex workers. 

One of SWDC’s members, Stephen Lewis Foundation, has several partner organizations in Kenya and Uganda that are led by sex workers. These organizations explain that criminalization of sex work increases the physical, sexual, and financial abuse that sex workers face from clients who know they are unlikely to be able to pursue justice. 

Another of SWDC’s member organizations, New Moon Fund remarks that “The criminalization of sex workers and their clients makes it harder for sex workers to negotiate terms of service, work together for safety, and engage in safer sex practices.” 

For these reasons, we want to make clear the following points:

1. We are in full support of the Bill as it stands. 

This bill is the result of 25 years of organizing and self-advocacy by sex workers and their allies for the South African government to take positive steps to redress abuse against women, including gender-based violence against sex workers.   We recognize the sex worker led local organisations such as Mother’s for Future, SWEAT, Sisonke in their tireless efforts to raise awareness about the dangers of criminalising sex work through training of healthcare workers in human rights. 

We applaud the fact that this bill will remove all criminal and administrative prohibitions and penalties on sex work, including laws targeting clients and brothel owners, both in national and provincial legislation.  We support the decriminalisation of sex work as an essential precursor to recognizing sex work as work and protecting the rights of sex workers through labor law and workplace health and safety regulations. When sex work is decriminalized, sex workers can safely advocate for fair working conditions and use the justice system to seek redress for discrimination and abuse. Sex workers are more likely to live without stigma, social exclusion, or fear of violence. 

We have observed through our work and grantmaking around the world that criminalization of sex work is a failed policy. Criminalization drives sex workers into more isolated locations; impedes the use of safety and harm reduction strategies, such as working together and offering assistance to sex workers; increases the risk of exposure to HIV and other sexually transmitted infections (STIs); and discourages sex workers from seeking health care.  It exposes sex workers to violence, abuse and extortion from clients, partners, brothel owners, law enforcement etc.; it impedes sex workers' access to justice because of the fear or reality that they cannot approach law enforcement agencies for redress without being arrested or discriminated against. 

In 2003, New Zealand decriminalized sex work through the Prostitution Reform Act. The sex industry there has not expanded, nor have problems such as human trafficking, HIV/AIDS transmission, or minors in the sex industry. Instead, sex workers reported feeling safer and more able to report violence. Sex workers report improved living and working conditions, and it is also easier to leave the sex industry when they wish. Police attitudes have improved, and sex workers have more choice in transactions with clients. Sex workers are able to carry condoms without fear of arrest. Occupational Health and Safety laws, as well as labour laws, apply to sex work, increasing sex workers’ bargaining power in negotiating safer sex, with the weight of the law supporting them. Sex workers are free to form collectives for safer work, share information and speak out on sex worker rights. Nearly all sex workers report that they have more access to their rights after this change. 

CMI! started the Counting Sex Workers In! campaign in 2020, which clarifies the harms of criminalizing all or any aspect of sex work and the need to decriminalize sex work. As we have stated, “[Decriminalization] has potential to redress past harms, to affirm the dignity of marginalized groups, and to catalyze positive social change. Bringing about social justice in relation to sex work requires that sex work is regarded as work and legally recognized as such. This means repealing the civil and criminal laws that are used to sanction sex work or penalize sex workers, bringing sex work under appropriate labor frameworks. This will help ensure that sex work is approached in a rights-based manner, make the sex work context safer, increase sex workers’ access to services and protection of the law, while affirming sex workers’ dignity and rights.” 

2. Sex work can only be considered to be decriminalised if BOTH the selling and buying of sex are decriminalised. 

There will be voices that will advocate that South Africa only decriminalise the selling of sex, but continue to criminalise individuals seeking sexual services and those who promote or manage places of business for sex work. This model is known as the Nordic Model, the End Demand model, or “partial decriminalization.” It was first attempted in Sweden through the 1999 Swedish Sex Purchase Act, and later adopted by many countries in Europe. Advocates for this model claim that by targeting consumers, you reduce the demand, and sex work will go away, along with the human rights abuses many sex workers experience. However, the evidence shows that things are not so simple. 

Instead of causing the sex industry to disappear, evidence shows that the End Demand model causes or maintains harmful conditions for sex workers. First, adult sex workers are stripped of their agency and autonomy because they are deemed unable to consent to sexual acts: they are viewed in the law as akin to minors or victims who need to be rescued. Secondly, criminalisation of clients continues the adversarial relationship between sex workers and police: sex workers’ clients are arrested or fined for consensual sex and sex workers remain ‘guilty by association’ and vulnerable to police harassment. Thirdly, to evade the police and protect their clients and livelihoods, sex workers must work in isolated areas and limit the time they take to assess the character of the clients, which places them at risk of being abused.  Fourthly, sex workers are discouraged from forming collectives or working indoors, as those who assist sex workers by offering safe locations in which to work or booking clients are punishable for brothel-keeping. Sex workers cannot work safely, or benefit from labor laws, if the consensual activities surrounding their work are criminalized.

Finally, the End Demand model’s message is that the sex trade should be abolished as it is immoral or harmful. This message is heard by the broader community, further stigmatizing sex workers. Under this model, sex workers continue to suffer marginalizations, including being denied access to housing, public services including health care, and justice for acts of violence against them. A recent study of the model’s operation in France found that moving to an End Demand model had detrimental effects on sex workers’ safety, health and overall living conditions – even compared to  the previous model of full criminalization.   In addition to the evidence that End Demand laws make sex workers more vulnerable, there is no evidence that it actually reduces demand. For this reason, organizations such as the Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women, Human Rights Watch and the World Health Organization oppose the End Demand model, as do we. 

3. All existing criminal records related to the offenses that will be removed by this bill should be expunged. 

Many sex workers in South Africa have been affected by criminalization and sustained police harassment, arrest, prosecution and incarceration, thus acquiring criminal records. Criminal records simply serve to exacerbate the stigma that this highly marginalized group already experiences on a daily basis.

We have observed in South Africa and around the world that having a criminal record severely limits one’s ability to access other employment opportunities. In some cases in South Africa, employers are legislatively prohibited from hiring a person with a criminal record. This can serve to trap sex workers in the profession even if they wish to transition to another. Having a criminal record is stigmatizing in and of itself, and can lead to social exclusion and discrimination, affecting a sex worker in many areas of their life: housing, education, travel, and opportunity. 

If South Africa commits to decriminalization, it must extend the benefits of this change to sex workers who have sustained criminal records due to their past engagement in sex work, and expunge past criminal records automatically

4. This bill is a necessary first step, but additional regulations and bylaw creation will be needed to fully realize its promise.

Since it is difficult to prosecute someone for engaging in sex work (unless caught in the act), authorities tend to rely on municipal bylaws, such as loitering, to arrest sex workers. The broad policing of these by-laws discriminates against sex workers, along with other marginalized and poor people.  Thus, we support the examination and repeal by-laws and expungement of past convictions for by-law offenses currently used to criminalize sex workers. 

In conclusion, we cannot improve on the words of your own retired Justice Edwin Cameron: Penalties on adult sex work are a horrible hangover from a harsher, more ignorant, less public-health-conscious era. They have no place in a healthy democracy. As with ancient crimes targeting queer people like myself, and the appalling apartheid penalties for sex between black and white, these laws are harmful, degrading and unjust. We should consign them to the dustbin without more ado.

Sincerely,

The Sex Work Donor Collaborative

Count Me In! Consortium


SWDC
"Resisting in the Crosshairs" Webinar Recap

The Sex Work Donor Collaborative (SWDC)  in collaboration with the Global Network of Sex Work Projects (NSWP) and the Global Philanthrophy Project (GPP) recently organised a webinar to examine how anti-rights ideologies impact sex workers’ right. The webinar entitled “Resisting in the Crosshairs: Anti-Rights Agendas and Sex Workers” held on 25th October 2022 was attended by nearly 100 people from within philanthropy and the sex worker movement.

The moderator of the webinar, Mauro Cabral (from GPP) opened the webinar by detailing the intersections of sex work and trans rights, and these movements’ shared challenge of resisting well-funded opposition while they operate on scarce, project-based funding. This was followed by a brief introduction of NSWP by Ruth Morgan Thomas, who invited NSWP members from each of five global regions to share their lived experiences of these issues. 

Phelister Abdalla of the Kenyan Sex Workers Alliance spoke about the impact of right wing influence on the rights of sex workers in Kenya and across Africa. She emphasized the need for allies, including donors, to support sex workers and act when democratic institutions are failing -  “All rights are connected – economic, political, social, cultural, right to health, right to work, freedom from violence, and environmental rights. So if one of them is taken away then the whole universe of rights shrinks as well.”  

Thierry Schaffauser from Syndicat du Travail Sexuel (STRASS) discussed the impact of anti-rights groups on sex workers in Europe, particularly migrant sex workers. He highlighted three key areas of attack: the rescue industry, the anti-rights coalition, and state feminism. The rescue industry, which is managed largely by religious groups, casts sex workers as victims and hopeless. He noted, “when we are seen as victims only, then of course all the funding goes to the saviors and not to the people who need saving because we are seen as people who don’t know and can’t do things by themselves... this is really not true, we are resourceful... and it prevents self-organization.” The anti-rights coalition feeds into this idea of helplessness by criminalising sex workers’ identities and ideologies, further marginalising sex worker communities and movements. Finally, anti-rights organisations rebrand their agenda as feminist in order to be seen as saviors that are protecting people - isolating sex workers ideologically within would-be allied movements. Instead, it is a form of femonationalism – idea that in the name of protecting women and minorities, we can “‘save women from themselves even if without their consent.”

Ceyenne Doroshow from GLITS discussed the need to meaningfully include those being targeted by anti-rights groups in order to create effective strategies to resist them: “Imagine if all agencies had real tools to create change for the community. How do you create those tools? You listen to the community, you listen to sex workers the - the demographic that is being attacked by politics.”

Jules Kim from the Scarlet Alliance discussed the challenges faced by sex workers in Australia, comparing licensing systems to decriminalisation in Victoria. She noted that organisations that identified as feminist were the loudest and most public opponents to attempts to reform laws around sex work within Victoria. Under licensing, a mechanism was created which allowed police corruption and racist inequalities in accessing services. The failed licensing experiment provided unequivocal evidence to the government that decriminalisation was necessary to improve access to services and basic human rights for sex workers. However, the government did not come to this conclusion on its own, it was a result of prolonged and sustained advocacy by sex workers and this highlights the importance of funding for sex worker-led organisations to engage in advocacy and research.

Karina Bravo from PLAPERTS discussed the importance of intersectionality in the fight for sex worker rights, and the need for sex workers to be at the forefront of their own movement. She noted how the pandemic coupled with the current political environment has created a harsher climate for many. She reflected on how cis and trans women who engage in sex work experience experience whorephobia, transphobia, xenophobia and this discrimination and stigma leaves a strong negative emotional and health impact in them. Karina reflected briefly on the conflict that lies between self-determination and the way women’s rights are conceptualized in formal, constitutional frameworks. “This gap deepens inequity, inequality, violence, femicides, organized crime and leaves us more defenseless and vulnerable. [The government] also develops security and protection plans that seek to "rescue" us for our own good and to change our lives, because we are, according to them, women who cannot or do not know how to make good decisions in our lives.” While concluding, she rallied a call to unite, build and work together for real and meaningful change wherein “our voices are heard and we can share what happens on a day-to-day basis in our contexts and our lives”. 

In addition to these leaders from with the sex worker movement,  Kerry Cullinan, a consultant with the UNDP spoke about the anti-rights agenda in East and Southern Africa, highlighting the well-funded and organized opposition to sex work and LGBTQI rights. She noted, “Our findings regarding the anti-rights group is they are all part of the same group, quite frankly, whether they are against sex workers,  whether they are against LGBTQ people, whether they are against the ‘gender ideologies’.” Ms. Culliman offered detailed analysis of the key players as well as specific strategies to resist them including: legal protection (e.g. a court case in Malawi extending protections to sex workers); exposing links between right wing ideologies (e.g. those that oppose African immigration also hold misogynist and overall repressive views); and taking the struggle to UN forums (e.g. get consultative status at the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC)).

Finally, The UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Health, Dr. Tlaleng' Makofeng, spoke on the right to health across the world and identified herself as a sex worker rights defender. Dr. Makofeng emphasized the need for decriminalization of sex work and discussed the challenges posed by anti-rights movements targeting sex workers. She also discussed the importance of structured funding and the need to resist the aggression of these opposition movements. Dr. Makofeng recently advocated to the HRC for a non-binary approach to violence and the need for contextual nuance in addressing the issue of sex work. 

Overall, the webinar highlighted the importance of supporting sex worker-led movements in their resistance to the erosion of fundamental human rights. The speakers emphasized the need for philanthropy to support these movements in order to counter the well-funded and organized anti-rights agendas that are targeting sex workers and other marginalized communities. Beyond funding, there is a particular need for continued support and solidarity from allies in the fight for sex worker rights.

For sex worker-led organisations, allies, and funders wanting more information about funding and other strategies to support sex workers and resist the influence of anti-rights groups, please contact us.

SWDC
NSWP x SWDC Briefing Recording (October 25, 2022)
NSWP x SWDC Briefing Recording (October 25, 2022)

Dear colleagues,

Thank you so much for your interest in our webinar "Resisting in the Crosshairs: Anti-Rights Agendas and Sex Workers." It was inspiring and energizing to see so many funders, sex workers, and allies come together to learn from these experts. 

Here is the recording of the session:

Please fill out this post-webinar survey, to share your feedback and improve our future programs. If you are a funder, please consider getting in touch with and funding the amazing sex worker-led organizations and networks we heard from on the webinar: 

If anyone would like to find out more about the work of the Global Network of Sex Work Projects (NSWP) or our members in 101 countries around the world please contact: secretariat@nswp.org or go to our website at www.nswp.org

If you are a funder, please also consider joining SWDC as a member. 

If you are a sex worker-led organisation, please consider joining NSWP as a member.

If you are a sex worker or ally in the movement, you can join the SWDC’s movement list serve and learn about funders and future events here.

SWDC
NSWP x SWDC Briefing - Resisting in the Crosshairs: Anti-Rights Agendas and Sex Workers

ESPAÑOL ABAJO / FRANÇAIS CI-DESSOUS / РУССКИЙ НИЖЕ

Resisting in the Crosshairs: Anti-Rights Agendas and Sex Workers

Briefing for Funders and Activists

Tuesday, October 25

1 pm - 2:15 pm (UTC)

8 am (Mexico City) / 9 am (New York) / 2 pm (Edinburgh) / 3 pm (Amsterdam) / 4 pm (Nairobi) / 6:30 pm (Delhi) / 8 pm (Bangkok).

English/Spanish/French/Russian interpretation provided.

Register for this online briefing here.

In recent years, religious and conservative forces are increasingly working to undermine human rights related to bodily autonomy, gender, migration, labor rights, race and sexuality. In some countries, these movements drive government policy, as authoritarian politicians seek to fuel fear of ‘others’ to consolidate power.  The anti-rights movements have particularly attacked communities whose rights-based issues are still not consistently supported by the progressive movements. This way, the conservative and anti-democratic forces have used a weakness of the progressive movement to splinter and undermine their opposition and keep their hold on power. National governments have used the COVID-19 pandemic as an opportunity to further control reproductive and sexual health and rights, while increasing police surveillance. Progressive philanthropy is beginning to respond but is massively outspent by conservative and religious institutions pouring billions into anti-rights and anti-gender institutions.

This briefing will focus our attention on how sex workers in particular are affected by these anti-rights movements. Opposition to sex work and sex workers’ human rights is widespread among these religious and conservative forces, exposing their opposition to women’s agency and their denial of the existence of and human rights of trans and gender diverse people. Simultaneously, sex workers and trans and gender diverse people face the anti-rights agendas of Trans and Sex Worker Exclusionary Feminists (TERFs and SWERFs) who refuse to recognize their human rights and have consistently aligned with and at times driven conservative agendas to deny them bodily autonomy. Together, these forces are building a cultural acceptance of increased criminalisation and policing, and violence against both sex workers and trans and gender diverse people, while also attacking women’s right to agency and bodily autonomy.

We will also highlight where resistance movements are coming together and supporting each other to build a rights-affirming framework and alternative, compelling narratives. Sex workers share intersectional identities with trans and gender diverse people, black, indigenous and other people of colour, migrants, workers engaged in informal and precarious work, and others in the crosshairs of anti-rights movements. We will showcase sex worker leaders who have built alliances across movements and are leading the resistance to anti-rights agendas. This briefing will close with a call for philanthropy to support sex worker-led movements as part of their response to the growing anti-rights agendas and an outline of suggested best practices for meaningful partnerships with sex worker movements.

Moderator: Mauro Cabral Grinspan, Global Philanthropy Project

Speakers:

Sponsored by:

ESPAÑOL

Resistiendo y en la mira: agendas anti-derechos y lxs trabajadorxs sexuales

Reunión informativa para financiadorxs y activistas

Martes 25 de octubre

1 pm - 2:15 pm (UTC)

8 am (Ciudad de México) / 9 am (Nueva York) / 2 pm (Edimburgo) / 3 pm (Ámsterdam) / 16:00 (Nairobi) / 18:30 (Delhi) / 20:00 (Bangkok)

Se ofrece interpretación en inglés/español/francés/ruso.

Regístrese para esta sesión informativa en línea aquí.

En los últimos años, las fuerzas religiosas y conservadoras están trabajando cada vez más para socavar los derechos humanos relacionados con la autonomía corporal, el género, la migración, los derechos laborales, la raza y la sexualidad. En algunos países, estos movimientos impulsan la política del gobierno, ya que los políticos autoritarios buscan alimentar el miedo a 'otros' para consolidar el poder. Los movimientos anti-derechos han atacado particularmente a las comunidades cuyos temas basados ​​en los derechos aún no cuentan con el apoyo constante de los movimientos progresistas. De esta manera, las fuerzas conservadoras y antidemocráticas han utilizado una debilidad del movimiento progresista para fragmentar y socavar su oposición y mantener su control del poder. Los gobiernos nacionales han utilizado la pandemia de COVID-19 como una oportunidad para controlar aún más la salud y los derechos reproductivos y sexuales, al tiempo que aumentan la vigilancia policial. La filantropía progresiva está comenzando a responder, pero no tiene los mismos niveles masivos de invercion económica que llevan las fuerzas conservadoras y religiosas, y que invierten miles de millones en instituciones anti-derechos y anti-género.

Este informe centrará nuestra atención en cómo lxs trabajadorxs sexuales en particular se ven afectadxs por estos movimientos anti-derechos. La oposición al trabajo sexual y los derechos humanos de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales está muy extendida entre estas fuerzas religiosas y conservadoras, lo que expone su oposición a la agencia de las mujeres y su negación de la existencia y los derechos humanos de las personas trans y de género diverso. Simultáneamente, lxs trabajadorxs sexuales y las personas trans y de género diverso se enfrentan a las agendas anti-derechos de las Feministas Exclusivas de las Personas Trans y Trabajadorxs Sexuales (TERF y SWERF, por sus siglas en inglés) que se niegan a reconocer sus derechos humanos y se han alineado consistentemente y, en ocasiones, han impulsado agendas conservadoras para negar su autonomía corporal. Juntas, estas fuerzas están construyendo una aceptación cultural de una mayor criminalización y vigilancia, y violencia contra lxs trabajadorxs sexuales y las personas trans y de género diverso, al mismo tiempo que atacan el derecho de las mujeres a la agencia y la autonomía corporal.

También destacaremos dónde los movimientos de resistencia se unen y se apoyan mutuamente para construir un marco de afirmación de derechos y narrativas alternativas y convincentes. Lxs trabajadorxs sexuales comparten identidades interseccionales con personas trans y de género diverso, negrxs, indígenas y otras personas de color, migrantes, trabajadorxs en sectores laborales informales y precarios, y otrxs en la mira de los movimientos anti-derechos. Presentaremos a líderes de trabajadorxs sexuales que han construido alianzas entre movimientos y están liderando la resistencia a las agendas anti-derechos. Esta sesión informativa cerrará con un llamado a la filantropía para apoyar los movimientos liderados por trabajadorxs sexuales como parte de su respuesta a las crecientes agendas contra los derechos y un resumen de las mejores prácticas sugeridas para asociaciones significativas con movimientos de trabajadorxs sexuales.

Moderadorx: Mauro Cabral Grinspan, Global Philanthropy Project

Oradorxs:

Patrocinado por:

FRANÇAIS

Résister dans le collimateur : les programmes contre les droits et les travailleurs du sexe 

Réunion d’information pour les bailleurs de fonds et les militants 

mardi, 25 octobre 

De 13h00 à 14h15 (UTC)

8h00 (Mexico City) / 9h00 (New York) / 14h00 (Edinburgh) / 15h00(Amsterdam) / 16h00 (Nairobi) / 18h30 (Delhi) / 20h00(Bangkok).

L’interprétation en anglais/espagnol/français/russe est prévue

Inscrivez-vous à cette réunion d’information virtuelle ici 

Ces dernières années, les forces religieuses et conservatrices s’efforcent de plus en plus de saper les droits humains liés à l’autonomie corporelle, à l’égalité des sexes, à la migration, aux droits de travail, à la race et à la sexualité. Dans certains pays, ces mouvements orientent la politique gouvernementale, et les responsables politiques autoritaires cherchent à alimenter la peur des autres afin de consolider leur pouvoir.  Les mouvements anti-droits s’en prennent particulièrement aux communautés dont les questions de droits ne sont pas encore systématiquement soutenues par les mouvements progressistes. De cette manière, les forces conservatrices et anti-démocratiques ont profité de la faiblesse du mouvement progressiste pour diviser et saper leur opposition et conserver leur empire au pouvoir. Les gouvernements ont profité de la pandémie de COVID-19 pour contrôler davantage la santé et les droits reproductifs et sexuels, tout en augmentant la surveillance policière.  La philanthropie progressiste commence à réagir mais elle est massivement dépassée par les établissements conservateurs et religieux qui déversent des milliards dans des institutions anti-droits et contre l’égalité des sexes. 

Cette réunion d’information se concentra sur la manière dont les travailleurs du sexe en particulier sont affectés par ces mouvement anti-droits. L’opposition au travail du sexe et aux droits humains est très répandue parmi ces forces religieuses et conservatrices, ce qui révèle leur opposition à la capacité des femmes à agir et leur déni de l’existence de, et des droits humains de personnes transgenre et de genres divers. Dans le même temps, les travailleurs du sexe et les personnes transgenres et de genres divers sont confrontés aux programmes anti-droits des féministes exclusives contre des personnes trans et des travailleurs du sexe, qui refusent de reconnaitre leurs droits humains et se sont constamment alignées sur les programmes conservateurs visant à leur refuser l’autonomie corporelle. Ensemble, ces forces construisent une acceptation culturelle d’une criminalisation et surveillance accrue, ainsi que de la violence à l’encontre des travailleurs du sexe et des personnes transgenres et de genres divers tout en attaquant les droits des femmes à agir et à l’autonomie corporelle. 

Nous mettrons également en évidence les domaines dans lesquels les mouvements de résistance se rassemblent et se soutiennent mutuellement pour construire un cadre d’affirmation des droits et récits alternatifs et convaincants. Les travailleurs du sexe partagent des identités croisées avec les personnes trans et de genres divers, les noirs, les autochtones et autres personnes de couleur, les migrants, les travailleurs exerçant des travaux informels et précaires, et d’autres personnes dans le collimateur des mouvements anti-droits. Nous présenterons les leaders des travailleurs du sexe qui ont construit des alliances entre les mouvements et qui mènent la résistance aux programmes anti-droits. Cette réunion d’information se terminera par un appel à la philanthropie pour soutenir les mouvements dirigés par des travailleurs du sexe dans le cadre de leur réponse aux programmes anti-droits croissants et par un aperçu des bonne pratiques suggérées en faveur des partenaires significatifs avec les mouvements des travailleurs du sexe.

Modérateur : Mauro Cabral Grinspan, Projet de philanthropie mondiale 

Intervenants :

Parrainé par :

РУССКИЙ

Противостояние, оказавшееся в центре внимания:  программы ограничения прав и работники секс индустрии 

Брифинг для спонсоров и активистов 

Вторник, 25 октября 

13:00–14:15 (по всемирному скоординированному времени) 

8:00 (Мехико) / 9:00 (Нью-Йорк) / 14:00 (Эдинбург) / 15:00 (Амстердам) /  16:00 (Найроби) / 18:30 (Дели) / 20:00 (Бангкок). 

Будет организован устный перевод на английский/испанский/французский/русский языки.

Зарегистрируйтесь для участия в онлайн-брифинге по этой ссылке. 

В последние годы религиозные и консервативные силы все чаще пытаются ограничить  права человека, связанные с его телесной автономией, гендером, миграцией, трудовыми  правами, расой и сексуальностью. В некоторых странах эти движения определяют  политику правительства, поскольку авторитарные политики стремятся разжечь страх  перед «другими», чтобы укрепить собственную власть. Особо сильны проявления движения за ограничение прав в среде, где вопросы, касающиеся прав человека, до сих  пор не находят последовательной поддержки со стороны прогрессивных движений. Таким  образом, консервативные и антидемократические силы воспользовались слабостью прогрессивного движения, чтобы расколоть и расшатать позицию своих оппонентов и  сохранить свою власть. Правительственные органы некоторых стран использовали  пандемию COVID-19 как возможность для дальнейшего контроля над репродуктивным и  сексуальным здоровьем и правами, одновременно усиливая полицейский надзор.  Прогрессивные филантропические организации начинают реагировать, но их существенно опережают консервативные и религиозные организации, вливающие  миллиарды в институты, выступающие за ограничение прав человека и свободы его  гендерного самоопределения. 

На данном брифинге мы сосредоточимся на вопросе о том, каким образом от этих  движений за ограничение прав страдают, в частности, работники секс-индустрии. Среди  некоторых религиозных и консервативных сил широко распространено неприятие работы в сфере интим-услуг и прав человека, которыми наделены работники секс-индустрии. За  такой позицией скрывается отрицание права женщин на свободу действий, а также существования трансгендеров и гендерно-вариативных людей, и, в частности, наличие у  них прав человека. В то же время работники секс-индустрии, трансгендеры и гендерно вариативные люди являются объектом антиправовых лозунгов феминистов, выступающих за ограничение прав трансгендеров и работников секс-индустрии (TERF и  SWERF), которые отказываются признавать их права человека и последовательно  объединяются с консервативными программами, а иногда и подталкивают их к отказу  таким людям в телесной автономии. Вместе эти силы формируют культурное одобрение  усиления криминализации и полицейского контроля, а также насилия в отношении  работников секс-индустрии, транссексуалов и гендерно-вариативных людей,  одновременно ограничивая право женщин на свободу действий и телесную автономию. 

Мы также расскажем о случаях объединения и поддержки движений, противостоящих  указанным явлениям, чтобы выстроить рамки, утверждающие права, и альтернативные,  убедительные нарративы. Работники секс-индустрии имеют общую пересекающуюся  идентичность с трансгендерами и гендерно-вариативными людьми, чернокожими,  коренными и другими цветными людьми, мигрантами, работниками, занятыми на неофициальной и непостоянной работе, и другими людьми, находящимися под прицелом  движений, выступающих за ограничение прав. Мы приведем примеры лидеров  работников секс-индустрии, которые создали альянсы между движениями и возглавляют  сопротивление антиправовым программам. В заключение брифинга мы обратимся к  филантропам с призывом поддержать движения, возглавляемые работниками секс индустрии, в рамках их ответа на расширение программ ограничения прав, а также  приведем рекомендации относительно полноценного партнерства с движениями  работников секс-индустрии. 

Модератор: Мауро Кабрал Гринспан, Глобальный филантропический проект

Докладчики: 

Спонсоры: 

 
SWDC
Sex Work Donor Collaborative Strategic Plan 2021-2025


Background

The Sex Work Donor Collaborative was originally formed under the name of the Donor-Activist Collaboration for the Advancement of the Human Rights of Sex Workers and was convened during a donor dialogue hosted in 2008 by Open Society Foundations, the Global Network of Sex Work Projects and CREA in response to the lack of funding for sex workers' rights groups. One of the key outcomes of the donor-activist collaboration was the creation of Red Umbrella Fund, the first and only global fund led by and for sex workers, founded in 2012. Many of the members of this collaboration were and continue to be donors to Red Umbrella Fund.

However, resourcing of the sex workers’ rights movement remains unacceptably low at less than 1% of all global human rights funding. 

Members of the donor-activist collaboration identified the continued need for donor-to-donor advocacy that could increase the amount of funds to support the movement. With this need in mind, the collaborative was reconvened in February of 2017. Additional outreach by a core membership resulted in an agreed statement of mission and values, and a structure to guide the work. In 2018, 17 funders signed onto this mission, joined the new Sex Work Donor Collaborative and elected a steering committee. 

In 2020, the SWDC decided it was time for a more aligned strategy to further advance its work and decided to develop its first strategic plan to be implemented from 2021 to 2025. 

For this Strategic Planning, the SWDC understands the sex workers’ rights movement as defined in Red Umbrella Fund. The global sex workers’ rights movement is a collective term reflecting a diversity of movements, networks, groups and individual sex workers’ rights activists around the world. What sex worker activists have in common is a focus on collaborative action to challenge criminalization, marginalization and stigmatization of sex workers of all genders and identities and to advance the human rights of sex workers. 

Vision

We envision a world in which the sex workers’ rights movement are fully resourced, in which sex workers have a strong voice in the decisions that impact their lives (funding, local/national/international policy, etc), and in which sex workers’ rights and other movements are in solidarity to create a more just world.

Mission 

The primary mission of the Sex Worker Donor Collaborative is to increase the amount and quality of funding and non-financial support for sex workers’ rights and sex workers’ organizing.

Values

Members of this Collaborative agree to uphold these values in the work of the Collaborative: 

  1. We recognise the self-determination of sex workers.

  2. We recognise the importance of the inclusion of sex workers in the design, implementation and evaluation of programs and other initiatives, including the Sex Worker Donor Collaborative, that affect their lives and work.

  3. We oppose the criminalisation of, and all other forms of stigma and discrimination against, sex work and sex workers. 

  4. We recognise that sex work is work and that sex workers are entitled to the same rights as other workers, including the right to self-organize. 

  5. We recognize the diversity of sex workers and strive towards solutions that include and benefit sex workers oppressed because of their race, ethnicity, gender, gender identity, sexuality, national origin, age, nationality, migration status, dis/ability, and other identities. 

  6. We oppose all forms of exploitation of and violence against sex workers and recognize the distinction between sex work and human trafficking.

Goals

1. Mobilize more (amount) and better (quality) funding for sex workers’ rights and sex workers’ organizing through donor mapping, education and influencing. Better funding enables sex workers to strengthen their organizations and networks, is responsive to the sex workers’ rights movement priorities, is flexible, sustained, long-term, rights-affirming, and is accessible to sex workers. 

2. Increase the effectiveness and efficiency of funding for the sex workers’ rights movement through peer sharing, research and strategic coordination of grant making, where appropriate. 

3. Provide a platform where sex workers and donors can share information and learning and where sex workers can engage donors as allies in their political advocacy efforts. 

Objectives 

1a. Contribute to improving the tracking of funding for sex workers’ rights for greater knowledge for more (amount) and better (quality) funding for sex workers’ rights and sex workers’ organizing

1b. More donors join the Sex Work Donor Collaborative and/or improve their practices  for more (amount) and better (quality) funding for sex workers’ rights and sex workers’ organizing

1c. Empower our members to engage in advocacy for more (amount) and better (quality) funding for sex workers’ rights and sex workers’ organizing

2a. Create spaces and opportunities for members to strengthen knowledge and share learnings and challenges to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of funding for the sex workers’ rights movement 

2b. Create spaces with sex workers and (external) funders to discuss best-practices to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of funding for the sex workers’ rights movement 

2c. Produce new knowledge to sustain the advocacy to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of funding for the sex workers’ rights movement  

3a. Ensure that sex worker leaders participate in all of SWDC’s public activities and are fairly compensated for their work.

3b. Increase transparency with and invite input from the sex workers’s rights movement through our platforms and activities

3c. Provide opportunities for the sex workers’ rights movement to increase its knowledge and advocacy skills on funding for sex workers’ rights and sex workers’ organizing

Operationalization

The sex work donor collaborative will work towards achieving its three goals. In order to do that, it is organized in three working groups and some of that work is carried out by the SWDC coordinator: 

  • Donor Advocacy (which holds the goal and objectives under number 1), 

  • Research & Knowledge Generation (which holds goal 2 and its objectives) and 

  • Learning & Engagement with Sex Workers (which holds goal 3 and its objectives). 

Although we recognized that the goals are interconnected the aim of this division is to better coordinate the work towards each of the goals. 

The role of the steering committee will be to perform the global operation of the Collaborative, facilitate the overall alignment of the three working groups as well as network strengthening and membership with the support from the coordinator. In the next five years, the Steering Committee aims to increase the coordination and efficiency capacity of the collaborative. The steering committee members will divide themselves among the three working groups to ensure that the SC has access to the discussions being held and is capable of ensuring the connections between the different pieces of work in the Collaborative. 

Nosipho Vidima
CALL FOR CONSULTANT OR CONSULTANT TEAM

Coordination of the Sex Work Donor Collaborative

Apply by midnight in your time zone on Friday 15th, October 2021

Mission and Values

The Sex Work Donor Collaborative envisions a world in which the sex workers’ rights movement are fully resourced, in which sex workers have a strong voice in the decisions that impact their lives, and in which sex workers’ rights and other movements are in solidarity to create a more just world. Its mission is to increase the amount and quality of funding and non-financial support for sex workers’ rights and sex workers’ organizing.

We recognise the self-determination of sex workers, and the importance of meaningfully engaging sex workers in the design, implementation, and evaluation of programmess, initiatives, and funding affecting their lives and work, including the SWDC. To learn more about us and our members, visit our website www.SexWorkDonorCollaborative.org.

History and Context for this Consultancy

The Sex Work Donor Collaborative’s origins dates back to 2008, when donors were brought together  by Open Society Foundations, the Global Network of Sex Work Projects and CREA in response to the lack of funding for sex workers' rights groups. One of the key outcomes of this donor-activist collaboration was the creation of the Red Umbrella Fund, the first global fund led by and for sex workers, founded in 2012. 

However, donors identified a continued need for donor-to-donor advocacy to increase the amount of funds to support the movement. Resourcing of the sex workers’ rights movement remains unacceptably low at less than 1% of all global human rights funding. With this need in mind, the donors reconvened in 2017, crafted a mission and values statement, and a structure to guide the work. In 2018, 17 funders signed onto this mission, joined the new Sex Work Donor Collaborative and elected a Steering Committee. Additional funders have since joined.

The Collaborative has fostered research on funding for sex worker rights, hosted events, supported briefings featuring sex worker organizations, supported one another’s learning and best practices, and engaged in one-on-one advocacy with donors. Our efforts have resulted in new funders and expanded portfolios benefitting sex worker movements. The Collaborative has three standing committees that carry out the work. In 2020, we engaged in a strategic planning process and identified the need for a fiscal sponsor and paid coordinator to improve our effectiveness. In 2021, NEO Philanthropy became our fiscal sponsor and an employee of NEO and member of the Collaborative, Sienna Baskin, was engaged as an interim Coordinator. 

The Assignment 

The Sex Work Donor Collaborative (SWDC) seeks a consultant or consultant team to be an ongoing Coordinator responsible for the day-to-day management of the activities of the SWDC. The role entails maintaining effective relations with the host organization NEO Philanthropy.  The Coordinator will lead coordination of the Steering Committee, standing committees, organizational planning and budgeting, and communications. The Coordinator is directly accountable to the SWDC Steering Committee.

Scope of Work

  • Support the Steering Committee (SC) to be effective in providing strategic direction and oversight to the donor collaborative and implement the strategic plan;

  • Implement decisions made by the SC;

  • Develop an annual Coordinator’s work plan and budget for SC approval;

  • Coordinate and contribute to the work of the three standing committees, who meet monthly, in line with the values of the SWDC;

  • Onboard and cultivate members of the SWDC;

  • Support the SC in securing funds needed for the SWDC to effectively work towards its stated objectives, including preparing and timely submitting donor proposals and reports and maintaining relations with funders;

  • Maintain effective relations with the administrative host organization, NEO Philanthropy, in accordance with the hosting agreement, including managing the relations with NEO’s finance and donor services teams;

  • Develop and implement a communications plan in collaboration with membership, including maintenance of a website, email, listservs and social media accounts, and represent the SWDC in external communication;

  • Promote the ongoing visibility and leadership of sex worker community members, in all our diversities, in the work of the SWDC;

  • Demonstrate a commitment to the SWDC values.

Required Lived Experience, Knowledge, Skills and Abilities

  • Lived experience as a current or former sex worker (any form of sex work);

  • Current residence outside of Western Europe, the United States or Canada;

  • Minimum of 5 years’ experience in the fields of sex workers’ rights, advocacy, organizing, grantmaking, or fundraising;

  • Experience in project management, including supervision of volunteers, developing and managing budgets, and overseeing expenditures;

  • Ability to work independently;

  • Excellent organizational skills and ability to manage complex tasks and prioritize competing demands;

  • Strong written and verbal communications skills in English. Fluency in a second or third language is also a plus;

  • An understanding of current sex workers’ rights issues and debates and knowledge of key organizations in the international sex workers’ rights movement(s);

  • Sensitivity and appreciation for diversity in many forms, including in identity, viewpoints, and communication styles;

  • A commitment to non-hierarchical organizing models and an ability to facilitate participatory decision making and foster leadership of others;

  • Willingness to take direction and feedback;

  • Strong interpersonal communication skills, proven experience with bridge-building and working in coalition with a diverse group of stakeholders, as well as the ability to acknowledge and manage power relations constructively;

  • Computer literate, including comfort with online platforms, video conferencing, spreadsheets and cloud storage.

Terms

  • The consultancy will last 18 months, with the option to renew if funds allow. 

  • We expect the consultancy to require 10 hours per week, and consultant fees to equal $40,000 US per year, or $60,000 US for 18 months. 

  • There is a separate budget for operations costs, including, if necessary, a computer with virus protection and all necessary programs, and wifi service or reimbursement. 

  • The starting date will be December 1, 2021. 

  • The position will be remote. 

  • We are open to a consultant team of not more than two for this role.

To submit an expression of interest for consideration, please send a cover letter, resume(s) for the consultant or team members, and two references to info@sexworkdonorcollaborative.org before midnight in your time zone on Friday 15th, October 2021. You can also direct questions to that email address. 

The SWDC will confirm receipt of applications before the deadline, and will contact shortlisted candidates by November 5 for interviews.





Nosipho Vidima
Introduction: Sex Work Donor Collaborative Research on Strengthening the Funding Base for Sex Worker Rights

The Sex Work Donor Collaborative (SWDC) was established to increase the amount and quality of funding for sex worker rights. When we began our work together, we know that less than 1% of human rights funding across the globe goes to sex worker rights. But to be successful in our goal we knew we needed an accurate picture of what funding currently exists, how that funding is changing, and what quality funding means to sex worker organizations. Deeper still, we needed to know what the barriers are preventing funders from moving more money to sex worker rights organizations, and what kinds of data, engagement and strategy could help surmount those barriers.

In 2019-2020, we worked with Strength in Numbers Consulting Group, a research and evaluation firm, on Phase 1 of this project. Our goal was to discover:

  • What funding is currently available for sex worker rights?

  • What kinds of data could inform, support and strengthen advocacy for more and better funding for sex worker’ rights globally?

  • What strategies would help funders deepen existing support or unlock new funding opportunities for sex workers?

  • What opportunities exist to build allies with funders in adjacent movements (e.g.: feminist, LGBTQI, anti-trafficking, labor rights, gender-based violence, etc.)?

Strength in Numbers made a targeted data request and did quantitative analysis: obtaining data from Candid for all grants tagged with the key word “sex work” in 2017, the most recent data available on this topic.

 Strength in Numbers also engaged 28 activists from the sex worker rights movement, in interviews and group consultations. These activists were from regional/global networks and local organizations. Nine (32%) were from Latin America, seven (25%) from Asia, seven (25%) from the US and Canada, and the rest (18%) were from parts of Europe and Africa. Two interviews were also conducted with organizations representing feminist and labor rights perspectives.

Strength in Numbers also reached funders, including our members and staff at private foundations outside of the SWDC. A total of 17 donors were reached through interviews and group consultations. 

Since many interviews were conducted confidentially, we decided not to release this research publicly, but want to share the major findings. What we learned challenged our ideas about how to leverage funding for sex workers rights, and re-affirmed the urgency of doing so. Please read the two posts below to learn more about the findings, and stay tuned for future research from the SWDC.

SWDC
Activist Perspectives on the Current State of Funding

The Sex Work Donor Collaborative (SWDC) commissioned research in 2019 to help us understand what data would make a stronger case to increase funding for sex worker rights.

The research, conducted by Strength In Numbers Consulting Group, interviewed 28 sex worker activists through group consultations and individual interviews.  The sex workers rights organizations that participated from all over the world were those who had experience applying for or receiving funding and wanted to share their perspective on funding.

Participants voiced strong support and appreciation for the few funders who explicitly support rights-based work with sex workers. They said that they had good experiences with these funders because they are often “community-led” or use participatory models where sex workers are on staff or are used as advisors to direct funding. Even when they are not community-led, activists shared that they can articulate what their communities need and are believed when working with these funders.

Because there is not enough funding that is explicitly sex worker-focused, participants also shared that they regularly apply for funding opportunities from donors who may not be well-informed about the needs of sex workers or include them in their funding strategies. These include funding sources focused on feminism, violence, anti- trafficking, LGBTQI, access to healthcare, labor rights, and HIV. Sex worker organizations are inherently intersectional and it is natural for them to frame sex work issues within a broader context. As one activist said “...We […] point out a lot that most sex workers in the world… are mothers and the head of the family so you’re talking about [a] law against sex work, you’re talking about how you want to treat mothers and how you want to treat workers. We try to use that – the […] labor case and also that we’re the same as other women in society that need the same protections and the same benefits as other people.”

Many have been exceptionally creative in seeking funding through coalition-driven funding requests. For example, some have had success getting funding focused on increased access to healthcare for sex workers who are LGBTQI-identified, homeless, incarcerated, using drugs, and/or migrants. Others have been funded to identify and combat trafficking as a part of some funders’ anti-trafficking portfolios.

These applications required a significant investment of time on the part of sex worker rights organizations. This investment was worth it when the fundraising efforts resulted in flexible grants with minimal constraints (e.g.: corporate social responsibility programs, flexible private donors), but not worth it for smaller amounts of highly restricted resources (e.g. being a sub-sub recipient on a Global Fund for AIDS, TB and Malaria grant focused on HIV services).  Unfortunately, due to being a drastically underfunded field, sex worker-led organisations are often forced to adapt to burdensome applications, use strategies like applying through regional networks or being a subcontractor to an international NGOs, using precious time better spent organizing and serving their communities.

The strategy of reaching out to funders outside of those explicit about sex worker rights  is also only effective where funders are open to engaging in meaningful dialogue with sex worker leadership. Unfortunately, sex worker activists have been rejected by many funders who do not understand their work. As one activist noted “… you find that sex workers’ issues are not seen as women issues… even in the feminist movement… priority’s not given to sex workers, but it’s given to women and girls, but not for our sex workers who have documented issues of violence, time and time and [time again], we are not given priority in funding.” Even when funded, some funders such as HIV prevention donors, are so restrictive that it harms their work. “…You can’t do anything else with [HIV funding]. It’s definitely not sex worker rights, it’s HIV prevention… they are investing in sex workers because they believe that sex workers are vectors of HIV, and the communities need to be controlled.”

Sex workers use robust and persuasive data to make their case for funding. This includes locally specific data about realities they face, stories and narratives, past organizational successes, and information from international bodies. Sex worker rights organizations cite regional data about violence faced by sex workers, lack of access to services, vulnerability/lack of protection and the link between HIV and violence.  Activists engage in participatory research and engage in funded and unfunded collaborations with academics and researchers to investigate issues facing sex workers.

One important insight was that both activists and donors did not feel that data was the most pressing need to enable them to increase the amount and quality of funding for sex worker rights. Activists said relationships with potential funders, not additional data, were key to getting funded. Most funders only accept applications by invitation. Here, sex worker activists show grit and creativity, employing strategies such as hiring a well-known anti-trafficking advocate to open doors, to scanning corporations’ websites and seeing what types of corporate giving programs might be open to them, and identifying personal connections. When funding opportunities are published and open to sex workers, activists share the resource. “If I hear something from somebody, but that information spreads like wildfire. There's something open, we all know we are eligible, everybody applies.”

Sex workers told Strength In Numbers that they welcomed the SWDC members as allies in the sex worker-led movement. Sex worker-led organisations appreciate the funders who have engaged with them, broadened their calls, simplified application processes, offered core flexible funding, and valued rights-based work that is community-led. Sex workers have hustled to create opportunities and are welcome collaborators for improving the efficacy of funding institutions in order to bring about the social change we are all working toward. This research will inform how we engage with the sex worker community, to open more of these doors.

SWDC
Making a Data-Driven Case for Increased Funding for Sex Worker Rights

“…it’s hard to collaborate when everyone who’s on the other side only want to talk about how we’re wrong. There needs to be a space for us to actually build that bridge in a way…” A private foundation funder interviewee.

In 2019, the Sex Work Donor Collaborative (SWDC) commissioned research to help us understand what data would make a stronger case to increase funding for sex worker rights.

The research, conducted by Strength In Numbers Consulting Group, analyzed 2017 grants collected by Candid and the Foundation Center that were tagged with the keyword “sex work.” 382 grants met this criterion, totaling $19.2 million, with 208 funders and 160 grantees. However, these data do not present a complete picture. The data collected were based on self-reporting, so no analysis was done about whether the funders or the grantees took a right-based approach or were working counter to human rights principles. Many of the major funders listed are not part of the SWDC, and one of the top funders is known to fund organizations that have violated the rights of sex workers.

Although Candid made particular efforts to include grants under $10,000 in these data, the dataset may still miss smaller funders that do not report their data to Candid (The Foundation Center merged with Candid in 2019) or donors who may not have tagged their grants in a way that their support could be detected using the keyword “sex work”. While these data remain limited for identifying grants for right-based work by and for sex workers, they do provide the most comprehensive and standardized data available in the field. In the future, it may be helpful to do a deeper review of grants within the Candid dataset or to collect data about rights-based funding separately to achieve an accurate picture. Advocacy and donor education could also be done with Candid or donors themselves to improve the usefulness of how grants are categorized related to sex worker rights.

Despite these limits, the quantitative data yielded important findings. Foundations giving the largest number of grants (though not the largest amounts) were public foundations, such as our members UHAI EASHRI, Red Umbrella Fund and Mama Cash. We know that this is an important, but much too limited source of funding for sex worker groups. Only a third of grants were tagged “general support,” showing how few foundations are investing in the sustainability of these organizations.  Funders could also code population categories, and 59.2% of grants with the keyword “sex work” were coded to “victims of crime and abuse.” However, the largest amount of funding tagged “sex work” was also tagged with “LGBTQ rights,” and 21.7% of grants were also tagged with “labor rights.” These co-tags show how funder priorities have defined the streams of funding for sex worker groups. This quantitative data also revealed potential targets for our outreach – funders and fields with whom we can build bridges.

Qualitative data was also gathered from sex worker activists, allied feminist and anti-trafficking organizations, and non-governmental funders (both public and private). Our interviews with funders included our members and other funders who make and do not make grants for sex worker rights.

One important insight was that donors did not feel that data was the most pressing need to enable them to increase the amount and quality of funding for sex worker rights. Some donors that felt that sex worker organizations’ ability to tell powerful stories of their impact would be useful. One shared that sex workers should “move away saying that we need more resources, but more to, what, specifically we need more resources [to do].”

A key highlight of the research was that there is a tension from the funder perspective between the quiet integration of sex worker rights and the overt championing of sex worker rights.  When some funders integrate sex worker rights, they recognize the intersectional struggles of sex workers, and use their institutional funding frames to include sex worker groups. This was indicated by some of the co-tagging. Some foundation staff saw a lot of promise in this approach, saying “I do think that most foundations are not going to have an explicit focus on sex worker rights organizing, or sex work per se. [But] within the work that they’re doing, there’s always room to build in support for sex worker rights organizing.”

But with rare exceptions, this integration approach is also fueled by the recognition that sex worker rights as a stand-alone frame would not be supported by their institution or may lead to push back from their own funders. One funder shared, “…the foundation will not support, directly, sex work as work, but if there’s something about LBT that has something to do with sex work, it is okay.” Other foundation staff clarified that this is not about fundamental disagreement, but about their funders’ reluctance to be associated publicly associated with the cause. “[They] don’t care if [we] fund sex work, as long as [we] can be more secretive about it.” This staffer clarified that their funders would not support them galvanizing other funders in support of sex worker rights. Another stated, “It’s explicitly in the budget, earmarked for [sex worker rights]. They’re okay with that, but wouldn’t want it to be public.” Even a funder network staff reflected this attitude, saying “We don’t want to alienate any funder [by taking a position on sex worker rights], for example, and so we wouldn’t write down anything except for the fact that we’re explicitly rights-based and feminist.” Thus, the laudable integration of sex worker rights into portfolios and larger frames is also a way of hiding and avoiding a more direct conversation about the human rights of sex workers.

We believe this strategy is reacting to and re-enforcing stigma, and a lack of funder champions – even if it is successful in moving money to the cause.  We are concerned that this strategy ultimately contributes to the precarity of funding for sex worker groups. It means their achievements can’t be elevated or shared. It means these groups can never “graduate” from receiving smaller grants, often through public foundations, to receiving larger grants from private foundations. It also means foundation staff facing these barriers have no space within their own institutions to grapple with these issues.

This finding is important for the goals and strategies of the SWDC. Funders that do not support sex worker rights overtly also expressed a nervousness to engage with an entity like the SWDC. The SWDC requires members to sign a mission and values statement that recognizes the self-determination of sex workers and opposes the criminalization of sex work. In that same vein, funders likely see joining the SWDC as taking a public stance in support of these values. The SWDC was established to create a collaborative space for funders who agree with these values, but our structure may be excluding a set of funders who are currently funding sex worker rights in an understated manner or are aspiring to fund sex worker rights. That means we are missing out on their perspective and creativity as we advance our work.

This research has led to the SWDC examining what strategies can be developed to enable our Collaborative to both hold a clear position that affirms sex worker rights, while still creating welcoming mechanisms to reach allies. The SWDC is in the process of thinking about our next steps, including what the next phase of our research might entail. We invite questions and engagement from other funders throughout this process, as we continue to build a community of solidarity.

SWDC